Why Call Yourself Pro-Both?
Why should you call yourself "pro-both"
rather than "pro-choice" or "pro-life?"
There are really two faces to this question.
First is a basic one of values.
Do you believe in the pro-both message?
Second is one of political strategy.
Does injecting the pro-both label into the abortion debate
advance it in a desirable direction?
We have argued the case for the pro-both philosophy from values on
another page.
This page considers it from the point of view of political
strategy.
Can we change the world for the better by
calling ourselves "pro-both" instead of "pro-life" or
"pro-choice"?
The Abortion Deadlock
Certainly something needs to be done about the state of the abortion
question in American politics.
The issue has become completely deadlocked.
Almost everyone seems to be firmly in the pro-life or the pro-choice camp.
Based on current abortion rates, it is believed that a third of all
American women will exercise their right to have an abortion sometime
in their lives, though few of them will ever speak about it in public.
This hints at the fact that there is a strong, deep, and mostly silent
resistance to the idea of banning abortion in the nation.
There is virtually no chance that abortion could be banned in the
country in the foreseeable future,
though continued gradual erosion of abortion is probable,
as smaller encroachments on abortion tend not to arouse the silent
resistance.
So the deadlock persists.
Neither pro-lifers nor pro-choicers will see their goals achieved.
Women's rights will be eroded but abortion will not be stopped.
Very little will be achieved on either side.
I have in these pages compared the pro-both approach to reducing
abortion to the alternative of illegalizing abortion.
But in practical political terms, that isn't even the real
alternative.
The real alternative is continuation of the current deadlock.
It's pro-both or nothing.
This deadlock not only prevents any kind of substantial progress
on the issue of abortion, it also leads to a broader polarization of
society. Many people define their politics based on the abortion
issue, and cast their votes based on this one unsolvable issue.
This reinforces a general political paralysis on many issues,
and impairs our nation's ability to work effectively on many other
issues.
The question of abortion, important in itself,
has grown to be about more than abortion.
It has become the Gordian Knot of American politics.
The Power of Names
Though "pro-both" is just a name, names have immense power.
The names "pro-choice" and "pro-life"
were very carefully chosen by the supporters and opponents of legal
abortion to highlight their best arguments and encapsulate the
basic values that drive their cause.
If the pro-choice movement had called itself "pro-abortion"
instead, it would be a completely different entity, and it's
support would be much narrower.
The pro-life too would be narrower and less popular if it were
called the "anti-abortion" movement.
It would not, for example, seem as applicable to questions like
euthanasia.
The items on the pro-both agenda
really aren't very new.
All the policies described there are things that have been pursued
by various organizations for decades.
Views on abortion not very different from those presented here have
been common for years.
They have, however, been below the radar of most Americans.
While many people vote for candidates based on their stance on the
legality of abortion, few pay much attention to questions of sex
education and contraception, even though they are extremely relevant
to the abortion question.
Putting a name to the pro-both agenda gives it cohesiveness and
clarity.
When I first started arguing that what the nation should be doing
is not so much arguing over the legality of abortion,
but looking for ways to reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies,
I found the response strange.
I was making some unusual arguments,
but I would always get the same old replies.
It was as if the people I was talking to would listen just long enough
to define me either as pro-life or pro-choice and then they would
stop listening and reply as if I had said the usual
pro-life or pro-choice things.
Only when I adopted the pro-both label was I able to get people to
acknowledge that I was saying something different,
and that a different response was needed.
The names we use to label these causes effect they way we think
about them.
In liberal circles, there has recently been much discussion of
the power of names in politics, notably by George Lakoff, who
calls the conceptual structure associated with a word a
frame.
Some credit the rise of the right in American politics to the effective
use of framing.
My original problem was that most people thinking about abortion had only
two frames to work with: pro-life and pro-choice.
People always try to fit new data into old frames.
That is what frames are for.
They give us a way to relate new information to our knowledge of the world.
The name "pro-both" is effective first because the word itself subverts any
attempt to fit it into either old frame.
It demands of the listener that they figure out what it means,
and think about how it relates to their established views.
It's a term that gets people thinking.
That's the first step to breaking the deadlock.
The Pro-Both Challenge to Pro-Life
Of course, getting people thinking would be pointless if you don't actually
give them something worthwhile to think about.
Pro-both is just a name, but there are some serious ideas behind it.
When we ask people who think of themselves as pro-life or pro-choice
whether they are actually pro-both, we are issuing a challenge.
If you are pro-life, then you probably base that position on a belief in
the sanctity of life and the immorality of killing innocent human beings.
The pro-both position, of course, agrees with you completely on those
points.
If you want to argue that you are pro-life, but not pro-both, then
the pro-both challenge is for you to argue not that abortion is bad,
but that the best way to deal with the problem of abortion is to illegalize it.
That we should stop abortion through
repressive police actions aimed at controlling women,
rather than by seeking ways to give people more perfect
control of their reproductive destiny.
If you are among the minority of pro-life people who believe that
contraceptive devices are inherently evil,
then you will certainly find much to object to in the pro-both agenda.
I confess to being hard-pressed to understand the moral justification
for that stance.
How does it make sense to oppose both abortion and
the prevention of abortion?
The AIDS epidemic only makes this position more puzzling.
The Pro-Both Challenge to Pro-Choice
If you are pro-choice, then that is probably because you believe in
a woman's right to determine what goes on in her own body,
without intrusion by the government.
Pro-both agrees with and supports that right.
If you want to argue that you are pro-choice, but not pro-both, then
the pro-both challenge is for you to argue that abortion is so
benign that society should not even try to make it unnecessary.
That it is no worse than trimming a fingernail and shouldn't concern
anyone.
Though the pro-both challenges to pro-life and pro-choice groups may
seem somewhat similar at first glance, they are different in a fundamental
way.
To change from pro-life to pro-both means keeping the same goal, but
abandoning nearly all of the old methods of achieving it.
Nearly everything that groups like Right To Life do contradicts the
pro-both agenda.
It is only in their goals that pro-both and pro-life are alike.
This is obviously no easy step to take.
To change from pro-choice to pro-both does not require as dramatic
a change in methods.
In fact, groups like Planned Parenthood and NARAL already advocate
contraceptives, broad sex education, and nearly everything else on
the pro-both agenda.
But changing from pro-choice to pro-both requires a shift in goals.
Nearly all pro-choice people say they consider abortion to be a bad
thing, but to be pro-both requires raising that belief to
equality with their belief in freedom of choice.
Many pro-choice people are reluctant to do that,
because it appears to weaken the case for keeping abortion legal.
It means giving up the arguments that say abortion isn't really so
bad, and relying exclusively on our belief in the right of women
to control their bodies.
I believe that is actually a stronger assertion of the rights of women,
but for people who have spent their lives fighting for the legal right to
an abortion, abandoning any defense is a difficult step.
In fact, I think that if the U.S. Supreme Court ever again takes
up the question of
Roe vs. Wade,
a pro-both defense might well do better than a traditional pro-choice
defense.
The key question would be whether the State has a suffiently compelling
interest to justify the intrusion into women's privacy that illegalizing
abortion would require.
What if we can show that there are means by which the State can reduce
abortion that do not infringe on the rights of women?
Clearly the State's compelling interest evaporates if that is the case.
If I was a defense attorney,
I'd much rather rely on that argument than on the argument that
the life of a fetus isn't valuable.
Pro-both provides that argument.
Solidarity
For many people committed to the pro-life or pro-choice movements,
there is another problem with the pro-both agenda.
To take up with this new, upstart approach means abandoning your old
allies.
What if it turns out that only people from your old side join this new
movement?
What if your defection weakens your side,
giving victory to the other?
The distrust between the pro-life and pro-choice camps is very deep.
Even if the whole pro-both argument makes perfect sense to you,
the very idea of conceding anything to those other people, of
actually allying with some of them may seem unacceptable.
What can I say?
There are people of honor and good will on both sides of this debate.
If we can't trust across the lines,
then there really is no hope left for America.
Have courage.
Have faith.
In the end, this is what pro-both is really about.
It's the real challenge that it presents to both people on
both the pro-life and pro-choice side:
giving up the idea that the people in the other camp are your enemies.
Giving up the idea that there is a war to be fought
and that victory has to go to one side or the other.
Let's forget all that and all win.
Hope
Pro-both offers a challenge to all parties in the abortion debate,
but it also offers hope.
Hope to break the deadlock.
Hope to move forward.
Hope to solve our problems instead of fighting over them.
I hope you, dear reader, will give these questions due consideration,
and lend your support where it will best serve your nation.
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